Klimabusiness på børs: Historien bak "The $10 Trillion Climate Fraud"

[Telehiv]

Når avsløringen av skitten klimabusiness kommer fra etablerte næringslivskretser:

Næringslivsorganet Investor's Business Daily driver nettstedet Investors.com, et betydelig og landsdekkende næringslivsforetak i USA som ofte blir sitert pga. sin kritiske redaksjonelle holdning til bl.a. mulig klimasvindel samt typiske politiske villfarelser rundt oljesituasjonen. Som de fleste slike foretak er de markedsliberale og konservative i sin markedstilnærming og er normalt ikke de første som klager over nye markedsmuligheter.

Når et slikt foretak begynner å beskrive opplegget for en ekstremt attraktiv klimahandel som "The $10 Trillion Climate Fraud" bør både politikere og andre samfunnsengasjerte mennesker derfor løfte øyenbrynene. De lever tross alt av å kunne dokumentere og være troverdige i sine markedsanalyser.
De av dere som vil forsikre dere om at dette er et tungt etablert næringslivsforetak, kan sjekke wikipedia her: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investor's_Business_Daily

Hva er grunnlaget for at man tar i bruk begrepet "fraud" om klimahandel?
Investors.com sine granskinger rundt dette begynte allerede for flere år siden, og fokuset toppet seg med en artikkel 28. april 2010 (se link nederst). Jeg har ikke sett at noen har klart å motbevise det som kom fram der. Det synes likevel ikke som dette brennhete stoffet ble fanget skikkelig opp i Norge på dette tidspunkt selv om det var mange andre oppslag i ulike kritiske media rundt bl.a. Al Gore og hans klimabusinessnettverk. Det kan derfor være nyttig å ta opp igjen denne tråden nå.

Når Investors.com gikk gjennom både den "politiske" historien og de kommersielle maktplaner for denne "klimahandelen" landet de altså på at dettte er en enorm "fraud" (svindel) rundt potensielle summer på "$10 Trillion", dvs. i våre tallverdier 10 million billioner dollar (1 trillion er 1 med 18 nuller; merk at i USA brukes trillion i betydningen tusen milliarder, og billion i betydningen milliard).

Smak på det tallet og få forståelse hvorfor klimajuks anses som en kilde til "big business for big players": 10 million billioner dollar...i et slikt bilde blir det ikke særlig dyrt å sponse noen nyttige/lydige/entusiastiske idioter i diverse "klimainstitutter" og sende dem på konferanser med stor egofaktor.

Og merk også: Dette er ikke en sum funnet på av rabiate "klimafornektere", det er en kalkyle kommentert av ett av USAs etablerte næringslivsorganer som "fullt mulig" ("could well be"; se teksten videre).

Litt mer om bakgrunnen for at Investors.com fant hele denne klimabusinessen svindelaktig:

Klimahandelens Cap-And-Trade, med spor til Det Hvite Hus?! 
Investors.com spiller inn en glohet potet først som sist, når de skriver: While senators froth over Goldman Sachs and derivatives, a climate trading scheme being run out of the Chicago Climate Exchange would make Bernie Madoff blush. Its trail leads to the White House.

Godt informerte vet imidlertid at sporene leder først gjennom maktinstitusjonen "Council of Foundations" som er en svært mektig sammenslutning av lederne for de amerikanske filantropiske organisasjonene (dvs. organer som de absolutt rikeste bl.a. bruker til å skjule/holde mye av sine formuer utenfor beskatning, og som er en helt sentral maktbase i det amerikanske samfunn).

Dette kommenteres derfor slik:
Lost in the recent headlines was Al Gore's appearance Monday in Denver (min anm.: altså i slutten av april 2010) at the annual meeting of the Council of Foundations, an association of the nation's philanthropic leaders. "Time's running out (on climate change)," Gore told them. "We have to get our act together. You have a unique role in getting our act together."

Gore was right that foundations will play a key role in keeping the climate scam alive as evidence of outright climate fraud grows, just as they were critical in the beginning when the Joyce Foundation in 2000 and 2001 provided the seed money to start the Chicago Climate Exchange. It started trading in 2003, and what it trades is, essentially, air. More specifically perhaps, hot air.

Chicago-børsen for "drivhusgasser"
The Chicago Climate Exchange (CCX) advertises itself as "North America's only cap-and-trade system for all six greenhouse gases, with global affiliates and projects worldwide." Barack Obama served on the board of the Joyce Foundation from 1994 to 2002 when the CCX startup grants were issued. As president, pushing cap-and-trade is one of his highest priorities.

Now isn't that special?

Few Americans have heard of either entity. The Joyce Foundation was originally the financial nest egg of a widow whose family had made millions in the now out-of-favor lumber industry.

After her death, the foundation was run by philanthropists who increasingly dedicated their giving to liberal causes, including gun control, environmentalism and school changes.

Hvordan kjøres "klimahandel på børs"?
Investors.com kan hjelpe med en beskrivelse også her (jeg har i tillegg understreket og lagt inn utropstegn her og der, for dette er så bort i natta rått at det må ikke bli oversett...):

Currently, CCX members agree to a voluntary but legally binding agreement to regulate greenhouse gases.

The CCX provides the mechanism in trading the very pollution permits and carbon offsets the administration's cap-and-trade proposals would impose by government mandate.

Thanks to Fox News' Glenn Beck, we have learned a lot about CCX, not the least of which is that its founder, Richard Sandor, says he knew Obama well back in the day when the Joyce Foundation awarded money to the Kellogg Graduate School of Management at Northwestern University, where Sandor was a research professor.

Sandor estimates that climate trading could be "a $10 trillion dollar market." It could very well be, if cap-and-trade measures like Waxman-Markey and Kerry-Boxer are signed into law, making energy prices skyrocket, and as companies buy and sell permits to emit those six "greenhouse" gases.

So lucrative does this market appear, it attracted the attention of London-based Generation Investment Management, which purchased a stake in CCX and is now the fifth-largest shareholder.

As we noted last year, Gore is co-founder of Generation Investment Management, which sells carbon offsets of dubious value that let rich polluters continue to pollute with a clear conscience.

Other founders include former Goldman Sachs partner David Blood, as well as Mark Ferguson and Peter Harris, also of Goldman Sachs. In 2006, CCX received a big boost when another investor bought a 10% stake on the prospect of making a great deal of money for itself. That investor was Goldman Sachs, now under the gun for selling financial instruments it knew were doomed to fail.

The actual mechanism for trading on the exchange was purchased and patented (!!) by none other than Franklin Raines, who was CEO of Fannie Mae (!!) at the time.

Raines profited handsomely to the tune of some $90 million by buying and bundling bad mortgages that led to the collapse of the American economy. His interest in climate trading is curious until one realizes cap-and-trade would make housing costlier as well.

Amazingly, none of these facts came up at Senate hearings on Goldman Sachs' activities, which may be nothing more than Ross Perot's famous "gorilla dust," meant to distract us from the real issues.

The climate trading scheme being stitched together here will do more damage than Goldman Sachs, AIG and Fannie Mae combined. But it will bring power and money to its architects.

http://news.investors.com/article/531731/201004281911/the-10-trillion-climate-fraud.htm

PS: I ettertid av denne og noen andre avslørende artikler - i kombinasjon med den krympende tro på den annonserte klimakrisen - kan det synes som mye av dette korthuset har blitt svekket og ikke så lett kan gjennomføres slik det så ut for bare et par år siden. La oss derfor håpe at verden spares for mest mulig av denne svindelen i tiden framover, for vi vet alle hvem som må dekke inn tapene dersom storkapitalen taper et slikt løp: Nettopp, de små skattebetalerne i alle berørte land. Slik som med Enron, Fannie Mae, og alle de andre nyere finansskandalene.

 

[Bebben]

Artig, men dette korthuset har altså allerede kollapset - "klimabørsen" i Chicago stengte høsten 2010.

The effective final CFI position was reached in November 2010 when the carbon credit price per metric ton of CO2 was between 10 and 5 US Cents, down from its highest value of 750 US Cents in May 2008. Trading reached zero monthly volume in February 2010 and remained at zero for the next 9 months when the decision to close the exchange was announced.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chicago_Climate_Exchange

Sånn sett kan man jo si at børsen til slutt gjenspeilte den virkelige verdien av tynn luft. 

I Europa går derimot kvotehandelen sin gang, så vidt jeg forstår.

[Jostemikk]

Jeg var klar over at det var enorme penger på spill i forbindelse med klimasvindelen, men dette er oppsiktsvekkende, Tele. En sum så gigantisk at det er like vanskelig å forholde seg til som størrelser i universet. Astronomiske summer er vel en grei betegnelse?

Det var et par kjente firmaer du listet opp, og sett opp mot det jeg holder på med angående hvor få det i realiteten er som eier nesten alt, og derigjennom styrer svært mye av verdens politikk, blir dette mer og mer skremmende. Skal vi forstå hva som førte til klimagalskapen, må vi forsøke å forstå hvem disse selskapene er, og hva/hvem de representerer. Kanskje like viktig er det å forstå hvor viktig det er for disse selskapene at det finnes nyttige idioter, i denne sammenheng en del av de klima"forskerne" vi alle mer eller mindre frivillig har blitt kjent med de siste årene. Blandet inn i denne deigen er ambisiøse politikere, eksplosjonen av NGO'er, og et vestlig MSM som stort sett er eid av de samme mektige, økonomiske aktørene.

Jeg retter igjen fokuset mot Bilderbergere, WWFs grunnleggere, diverse filantropiske miljøer, og til slutt min uendelige rekke med henvisninger til Balfourerklæringen, som forteller mye mer enn det som er direkte beskrevet, kommentert, og til slutt fundert av historiske analytikere.

En kjent mann sa en gang at verden er styrt av 50 personer, og kommenterte videre at og da har jeg tatt hardt i. Mener det var Joseph P. Kennedy som sa dette, men det er fullt mulig at jeg husker feil her, både angående person og antall. Jeg har store kunnskapsmangler angående dette emnet, men det jeg har funnet ut av tilsier at han tok svært hardt i hvis sitatet er korrekt gjengitt.

For å gjøre dette ørlite enklere for oss IPCC-skeptikere, kan en løsning være å rette fokus mot vårt eget lands representanter for det som best kan beskrives som makten bak makten. Dette er heller ikke snakk om særlig mange mennesker, men de synes å ha hatt nærmest total makt her til lands i mange tiår. For å finne ut av det tunge økonomiske aspektet bak denne makten, kan et greit utgangspunkt muligens være å se på størrelsen på deres økonomiske fallskjermer, hvor banalt det enn kan virke. Samme hvor elendig jobb de gjør, virker de å være sikret i alle ender. Dette vernet, økonomisk og strafferettslig, synes å ha blitt styrket i takt med politikernes snik-endringer av Grunnloven til vern for seg selv.

[Telehiv]

Bebben,
bra at du presiserte at kjempeplanene rundt Chicagoklimabørsen tidlig fikk helsesvikt, bl.a. gjennom de ulike kritiske omtalene. Jeg ser at jeg ikke fikk det skikkelig fram i startinnlegget, siden, som du også poengterer, klimabusinessen har en annen type forløp i Europa og også andre steder i verden - der det fremdeles er full fart med å kjøre fram klimabusinessplaner av flere slag. Der ser vi også at regjeringene er langt mer direkte involverte, dvs. at det i motsetning til det privatøkonomiske tycoon-løpet i USA, kjøres et tydeligere offentlig "program" både i Europa og ikke minst i Australia, der myndighetene har gått over alle støvleskaft for å dramatisere klimakrisen. Her har jo Jo Novas blogg vært en rik kilde til galskapen.

Joste,
ja du er selvsagt godt på sporet når du bl.a. leter etter de samme Bilderberger- og Trilateral Commission-nettverkene på begge sider av Atlanteren, for klimakonspirasjonene ble ikke lagt ned med svikten i Chicago, de ble bare omflyttet og omdannet til å aktiveres andre steder som er lettere å manipulere. Og når det gjelder mengden naive idealistiske statsledere og statsråder som skal redde verden er det ikke lett å utbokse Europa....jfr. mitt nylige oppslag om de to statsrådskurkene i Skottland som lurte parlamentet med sine klimaskremsler.

Uansett følte jeg det var nødvendig å ta et tilbakeblikk på en liten del av hvordan klimamafiaen driver sine spill. Alt som kan åpne troskyldige norske politikerøyne er verdt strevet, syns jeg. For: Snart bankes det på vår rike dør med nye kostbare klimaplaner igjen....comprende, senores?

[Jostemikk]

Tele har i flere innlegg nevnt Trilateral Commission. Linken fører til hva Wikipedia rimelig begrenset forteller. Å forstå hva og hvem Trilateral Commission representerer er like viktig som noe annet for å forstå hva og hvem som styrer planetens hovedbutikk.

[Telehiv]

Joste,

her er litt mer, både om CFR og Trilateral Commission, til nærmere studium når det passer. Kildene kan vi evt. komme tilbake til. Dette er uansett bare en overfladisk oppsummering.

The Council on Foreign Relations
Prior to the founding of the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) was the most significant body of global-minded elitists in the United States. As far back as 1959, the CFR was explicit about a need for world government:
"The U.S. must strive to build a new international order... including states labeling themselves as 'socialist'... to maintain and gradually increase the authority of the United Nations."
The site for the United Nations headquarters in New York was originally donated by the Rockefeller family, and the CFR world architects worked for many years to use the U.N. as a means to develop an image of world order. Indeed, the CFR membership roster has been, and still is a Who's Who of the elitist eastern establishment.
The first problem with the CFR is that it became too large and too diverse to act as a "cutting edge" in global policy creation. The second problem is that it's membership was limited to north America: What group could effect global changes without a global membership?
The CFR continues to be significant in the sense that politicians often look to its membership when searching for people to fill various appointments in government. It also continues to be a policy mill through its official organ, Foreign Policy.
While there are a several core global elitists in the ranks of the CFR, they represent a very small percentage of the total membership. Conversely, there are many CFR members who are only lightly involved with globalism. For this reason, we do not count the CFR as being central to globalization today.

The Trilateral Commission
David Rockefeller recognized the shortcomings of the CFR when he founded the Trilateral Commission in 1973 with Zbigniew Brzezinski. Rockefeller represented Corporate and Brzezinski represented Academic.
Together, they chose approximately 300 members from north America, Europe and Japan, whom they viewed as being their "birds of a feather." These members were at the pinnacle of their profession, whether Corporate, Academic, Political or Press. It is a testimony to the influence of Rockefeller and Brzezinski that they could get this many people to say "Yes" when they were tapped for membership.
Out of the 54 original U.S. members of the Trilateral Commission, Jimmy Carter was fronted to win the presidential election in 1976. Once inaugurated, Carter brought no less than 18 fellow members of the Commission into top-level cabinet and government agencies.
Perhaps no one has described the Trilateral operation as succinctly as veteran reporter Jeremiah Novak in the Christian Science Monitor (February 7, 1977):
"Today a new crop of economists, working in an organization known as the Trilateral Commission, is on the verge of creating a new international economic system, one designed by men as brilliant as Keynes and White. Their names are not well known, but these modern thinkers are as important to our age as Keynes and White were to theirs.
"Moreover, these economists, like their World War II counterparts, are working closely with high government officials, in this case President Jimmy Carter and Vice President Walter Mondale. And what is now being discussed at the highest levels of government, in both the United States and abroad, is the creation of a new world economic system - a system that will affect jobs in America and elsewhere, the prices consumers pay, and the freedom of individuals, corporations, and nations to enter into a truly planetary economic system. Indeed, many observers see the advent of the Carter administration and what is now being called the "Trilateral" cabinet as the harbinger of this new era."1
The pernicious influence of the Commission and its dominance of the U.S. Executive branch remains unchallenged to this day.
Ronald Reagan was not a member of the Trilateral Commission, but his Vice President, George H. W. Bush, was a member. The Commission's influence was safely perpetuated into the Reagan years.
The 1988 election of George H.W. Bush to the presidency further consolidated Trilateral influence in the U.S.
In 1992, Trilateral member William Jefferson Clinton followed in the presidency and contributed greatly to the cause of globalization.
In 2000, George W. Bush assumed the presidency. While it can be demonstrated that Bush is closely aligned with and totally dedicated to Trilateral goals, he is not a member of the Commission. However, Vice President Dick Cheney is a member of the Commission.
Obviously, Corporate's partnerships with Political, Academic and Press has been very successful.


The Original Membership: 1973-1978

A short look at the first U.S. membership list is instructive. We have taken liberty to organize the names according to broad functions, which is not fully adequate to explain the interrelationships. As one examines the biographies of these individuals, one sees a "revolving door" phenomenon where people rotate in and out of government, business, think-tanks, etc., on a regular basis. This is one several tests used to identify a member of the true core of global elite.

Trilateral Commission Membership, 1973

Banking Related    
Ernest C. Arbuckle   Chairman, Wells Fargo Bank
George W. Ball   Senior Partner, Lehman Brothers
Alden W. Clausen   President, Bank of America
Archibald K. Davis   Chairman, Wachovia Bank and Trust Company
*Peter G. Peterson   Chairman, Lehman Brothers
*David Rockefeller   Chairman, Chase Manhattan Bank
Robert V. Roosa   Partner, Brown Brothers Harriman & Company
Bruce K. MacLaury   President, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
John H. Perkins   President, Continental Illinois National Bank and Trust Company

Press Related    
Doris Anderson   Editor, Chantelaine Magazine
Emmett Dedmon   Vice-President and Editorial Director, Field Enterprises, Inc.
Hedley Donovan   Editor-in-Chief, Time, Inc.
Carl T. Rowan   Columnist
Arthur R. Taylor   President, Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.

Labor Related    
*I. W. Abel, President   United Steelworkers of America
Leonard Woodcock   President, United Automobile Workers
Lane Kirkland   Secretary-Treasurer, AFL-CIO

Senate/Congress   
John B. Anderson   House of Representatives
Lawton Chiles   United States Senate
Barber B. Conable, Jr. House of Representatives
John C. Culver   United States Senate
Wilbur D. Mills   House of Representatives
Walter F. Mondale   United States Senate
William V. Roth, Jr.   United States Senate
Robert Taft Jr.   United States Senate

Other Political    
James E. Carter, Jr.   Governor of Georgia
Daniel J. Evans   Governor of Washington
*William W. Scranton Former Governor of Pennsylvania

Corporate   
J. Paul Austin   Chairman, The Coca-Cola Company
W. Michael Blumenthal Chairman, Bendix Corporation
*Patrick E. HaggertyChairman, Texas Instruments
William A. Hewitt   Chairman, Deere and Company
Edgar F. Kaiser   Chairman, Kaiser Industries Corporation
Lee L. Morgan   President, Caterpillar Tractor Company
David Packard   Chairman, Hewlett-Packard Company
Charles W. Robinson   President, Marcona Corporation
Arthur M. Wood   Chairman, Sears, Roebuck & Company
William M. Roth   Roth Properties

Academic   
David M. Abshire   Chairman, Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies
Graham Allison   Professor of Politics, Harvard University
Robert R. Bowie   Clarence Dillon Professor of International Affairs, Harvard University
*Harold Brown   President, California Institute of Technology
Richard N. Cooper   Provost and Frank Altschul Professor of International Economics, Yale University
Paul W. McCracken   Edmund Ezra Day Professor of Business Administration, University of Michigan
Marina von N. Whitman   Distinguished Public Service Professor of Economics, University of Pittsburgh
Carroll L. Wilson   Professor of Management, Alfred P. Sloan School of Management, MIT
Edwin O. Reischauer   University Professor, Harvard University; former U.S. Ambassador to Japan

Law Firms    
Warren Christopher   Partner, O'Melveny and Myers
William T. Coleman, Jr.   Senior Partner, Dilworth, Paxson, Kalish, Levy & Coleman
Lloyd N. Cutler   Partner, Wilmer, Cutler, and Pickering
*Gerard C. Smith   Counsel, Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering
Cyrus R. Vance   Partner, Simpson, Thacher and Bartlett
*Paul C. Warnke   Partner, Clifford, Warnke, Glass, McIlwain & Finney

Associations   
Lucy Wilson Benson   President, League of Women Voters of the United States
Kenneth D. Naden   Executive Vice President, National Council of Farmer Cooperatives
Think-Tanks   
Thomas L. Hughes   President, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Henry D. Owen   Director, Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Brookings Institution

Miscellaneous   
Anthony Solomon   Consultant
* Indicates member of Executive Committee
Rockefeller and Brzezinski's strategy was nefarious, yet brilliant.
The election of democrat James Earl "I will never lie to you" Carter was assured by delivering the mostly democratic labor vote. This was accomplished by adding to the inner core: Leonard Woodcock (UAW), I.W. Abel (United Steelworkers) and Lane Kirkland (AFL-CIO).

By 1977, three more labor leaders were added to the membership: Glenn E. Watts (Communications Workers of America), Martin J. Ward (president of United Association of Journeymen and Apprentices), and Sol Chaikin, president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union.
Leonard Woodcock served as Chief Envoy to China under Carter, and was largely responsible for solidifying economic and political ties with Communist China. [Editor's note: Any reader who is or was a member of one of these unions will instantly have flashes of insight as to the enduring duplicity of labor management -- you were effectively "sold down the river" starting 1973 and continuing into the present.]

Those commissioners who Carter brought into his administration (the initial "steering committee", if you will) were Walter Mondale (Vice President), Zbigniew Brzezinski (National Security Advisor), Cyrus Vance (Secretary of State), Harold Brown (Secretary of Defense) and W. Michael Blumenthal (Secretary of the Treasury,) among others.

As the Washington Post phrased it:
"Trilateralists are not three-sided people. They are members of a private, though not secret, international organization put together by the wealthy banker, David Rockefeller, to stimulate the establishment dialogue between Western Europe, Japan and the United States.
"But here is the unsettling thing about the Trilateral Commission. The President-elect is a member. So is Vice-President-elect Walter F. Mondale. So are the new Secretaries of State, Defense and Treasury, Cyrus R. Vance, Harold Brown and W. Michael Blumenthal. So is Zbigniew Brzezinski, who is a former Trilateral director, and, Carter's national security advisor, also a bunch of others who will make foreign policy for America in the next four years."3

Before Carter's term was completed, no less than 18 members (thirty percent of the U.S. Commission membership) of the Trilateral Commission served in his administration. Coincidence? Hardly!

This article purposely leaves out discussion of the non-U.S. membership of the Commission membership, which will be saved for another day. Suffice it to say that the European and Japanese contingents were just as powerful and effective in their respective home countries. Approximately one-third of the membership came from Europe and the other third from Japan. The joint membership met annually (no press allowed) to formulate policy and action plans for their respective regions. Many, if not most, of their policies were published in the Commission's quarterly journal, Trialogue.

The most damning argument ever launched against the Trilateral Commission is the unconstitutional influence of other governments and forces upon the U.S. For instance, Commission members are not elected nor representative of the general population of the U.S., yet they effectively dominated the Executive Branch of the U.S. government. When the Commission resolved policies (behind closed-doors) with non-U.S. members, who were a mere one-third minority, could it be said that foreign influences effectively controlled U.S. policy?

These concerns were never addressed by Congress or the Judiciary. The Executive branch would have nothing to address because it has been continuously dominated by Commission members -- who repeatedly assured us that there was no such conflict of interest. Of course, the answer to these questions are self-evident: U.S. interests, economic and political, have been subverted.

The economic subversion of the U.S. was studied in The August Review's For Sale: The United States of America and was likened to the plundering of a nation, the likes of which have not been seen in modern history.

Current Trilateral Membership
The following list of north American members is not exhaustive. These are selected because of their high visibility in positions within Corporate, Political or Economic and Press. A future installment of The August Review will examine the entire membership list more carefully and completely. The purpose here is to show that the Trilateral Commission has grown, rather than declined, in strength over the years.
Keep in mind that there is no enrollment or application process to belong to the Trilateral Commission. One is invited to join in a manner similar to a college student being "tapped" for membership in a fraternity. Thus, the process is highly selective and discrete. Candidates are thoroughly screened before invitation is delivered. For this reason, one can be relatively sure that anyone who is or who has ever been a member of the Commission is in the core of the global elite. There are likely a few members who are not truly a part of the core, but for the sake of aggregate analysis, this is not an important issue.
U.S. Members who have been subsequently added to the Commission over the years include, in part, the following list.

Additional Trilateral Commission Membership through 2005

Banking Related    
Paul Wolfowitz   President, World Bank
Paul A. Volker    Former Chairman, Wolfensohn & Co., Inc., New York; Frederick H. Schultz Professor Emeritus, International Economic Policy, Princeton University; former Chairman, Board of Governors, U.S. Federal Reserve System; Honorary North American Chairman and former North American Chairman, Trilateral Commission
Alan Greenspan    Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Board of Directors of Bank for International Settlements
Geoffrey T. Boisi    former Vice Chairman, JPMorgan Chase, New York, NY
E. Gerald Corrigan    Managing Director, Goldman, Sachs & Co., New York, NY; former President, Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Jamie Dimon    President and Chief Operating Officer, JPMorgan Chase, New York, NY
Roger W. Ferguson, Jr.    Vice Chairman, Board of Governors, Federal Reserve System, Washington, DC
Stanley Fischer    Governor of the Bank of Israel, Jerusalem; former President, Citigroup International and Vice Chairman, Citgroup, New York, NY; former First Deputy Managing Director, International Monetary Fund
Richard W. Fisher    President and Chief Executive Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Dallas, TX; former U.S. Deputy Trade Representative
Michael Klein   Chief Executive Officer, Global Banking, Citigroup Inc.; Vice Chairman, Citibank International PLC; New York, NY
*Sir Deryck C. Maughan    former Vice Chairman, Citigroup, New York, NY
Jay Mazur    President Emeritus, UNITE (Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees); Vice Chairman, Amalgamated Bank of New York; and President, ILGWU's 21st Century Heritage Foundation, New York, NY
Hugh L. McColl, Jr.    Chairman, McColl Brothers Lockwood, Charlotte, NC; former Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Bank of America Corporation
Robert S. McNamara    Lifetime Trustee, Trilateral Commission, Washington, DC; former President, World Bank; former U.S. Secretary of Defense; former President, Ford Motor Company.
Kenneth Rogoff    Professor of Economics and Director, Center for International Development, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA; former Chief Economist and Director, Research Department, International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC
John Thain    Chief Executive Officer, New York Stock Exchange, Inc.; former President and Co-Chief Operating Officer, Goldman Sachs & Co., New York, NY
Lawrence H. Summers    President, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA; former U.S. Secretary of  the Treasury

Press Related    
David G. Bradley    Chairman, Atlantic Media Company, Washington, DC
David Gergen    Professor of Public Service, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA; Editor-at-Large, U.S. News and World Report
Donald E. Graham    Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, The Washington Post Company, Washington, DC
Karen Elliott House   Senior Vice President, Dow Jones & Company, and Publisher, The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY
Gerald M. Levin    Chief Executive Officer Emeritus, AOL Time Warner, Inc., New York, NY
Fareed Zakaria    Editor, Newsweek International, New York, NY
Mortimer B. Zuckerman    Chairman and Editor-in-Chief, U.S. News &  World Report, New York, NY

Labor Related    
Sandra Feldman    President Emeritus, American Federation of Teachers, Washington, DC
John J. Sweeney   President, AFL-CIO, Washington, DC

Intelligence Related    
John M. Deutch    Institute Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA; former Director of Central Intelligence; former U.S. Deputy
Secretary of Defense
Henry A. Kissinger    Chairman, Kissinger Associates, Inc., New York, NY; former U.S. Secretary of State; former U.S. Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs
James B. Steinberg    Vice President and Director of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC; former U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor
William H. Webster    Senior Partner, Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy LLP, Washington, DC; former U.S. Director of Central Intelligence; former Director, U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation; former Judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit
Susan Rice   Senior Fellow, Brookings Institution, Washington, DC; former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs; former Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African Affairs, National Security Council

Senate/Congress   
Richard A. Gephardt    former Member (D-MO), U.S. House of Representatives
Jim Leach   Member (R-IA), U.S. House of Representatives
Charles B. Rangel    Member (D-NY), U.S. House of Representatives
John D. Rockefeller IV   Member (D-WV), U.S. Senate
Dianne Feinstein    Member (D-CA), U.S. Senate
*Thomas S. Foley    Partner, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, Washington, DC; former U.S. Ambassador to Japan; former Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives (D-WA); North American Chairman, Trilateral Commission

Other Political    
George H. W. Bush   President of the United States
William Jefferson Clinton   President of the United States
Richard B. Cheney   Vice President of the United States
Paula J. Dobriansky   U.S. Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs
Robert B. Zoellick   Former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, U.S. Trade Representative
Madeleine K. Albright    Principal, The Albright Group LLC, Washington, DC; former U.S. Secretary of State
C. Fred Bergsten    Director, Institute for International Economics, Washington, DC; former U.S. Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for International Affairs
William T. Coleman, Jr.    Senior Partner and the Senior Counselor, O'Melveny & Myers, Washington, DC; former U.S. Secretary of Transportation
Lynn Davis    Senior Political Scientist, The RAND Corporation, Arlington, VA; former U.S. Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security
Richard N. Haass    President, Council on Foreign Relations, New York, NY; former Director, Policy Planning, U. S. Department of State; former Director of Foreign Policy Studies, The Brookings Institution
*Carla A. Hills    Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Hills & Company, International Consultants, Washington, DC; former U.S. Trade Representative; former U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development
Richard Holbrooke    Vice Chairman, Perseus LLC, New York, NY; Counselor, Council on Foreign Relations; former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations; former Vice Chairman of Credit Suisse First Boston Corporation; former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs; former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs; and former U.S. Ambassador to Germany
Winston Lord    Co-Chairman of Overseeers and former Co-Chairman of the Board, International Rescue Committee, New York, NY; former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs; former U.S. Ambassador to China
*Joseph S. Nye, Jr.    Distinguished Service Professor at Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA; former Dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government; former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs
Richard N. Perle    Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute, Washington, DC; member and former Chairman, Defense Policy Board, U.S. Department of Defense; former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy
Thomas R. Pickering    Senior Vice President, International Relations, The Boeing Company, Arlington, VA; former U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs; former U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation, India, Israel, El Salvador, Nigeria, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, and the United Nations
Strobe Talbott    President, The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC; former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State

Miscellaneous   
Ernesto Zedillo    Director, Yale Center for the Study of Globalization, Yale University, New Haven, CT; former President of Mexico [Ed . Note: not an American citizen]
David J. O'Reilly   Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Chevron Corporation, San Ramon, CA
* Indicates member of Executive Committee

The More Things Change, the More They Remain the Same
The occupational makeup of the Trilateral Commission has obviously changed over time, but that only represents the maturing of the globalization process. What was needed in 1973 is not what is needed today. Still, there are some consistencies that are easily observed.

The most obvious consistency (and expansion) is the very large representation by the banking cartel: two chairmen and two board members of of the Federal Reserve System, two presidents of the World Bank, director of the International Monetary Fund, and chairmen/CEO's of several prominent global banks. This does not take into account any linkages from Commission members who are also directors of commercial and investment banks. Financial representation is not incidental because money is the life-blood of globalism. The August Review's coverage in Global Banking: The Bank for International Settlements detailed the apex and makeup of global banking.

Through membership, the Trilateral Commission dominates the executive branch of the U.S. government, the Federal Reserve System, and is closely aligned with the Bank for International Settlements, which controls the world's currencies and money supply. This is seen even without analyzing the remaining two-thirds of Commission membership that resides outside of the U.S.

Det var litt helgemat, inntil videre

[Jostemikk]

Glimrende helgemat, Tele.

Her er fra Arbeiderpartiet.no - Gro Harlem Brundtland:

Harlem Brundtland har hatt en rekke internasjonale verv. Hun har vært første visepresident i Sosialist Internasjonalen (SI), medlem i The Carnegie Commision on Preventing Deadly Conflict, og The International Task Force on Security Council Peace Enforcement. Hun er også medlem i The InterAction Council, og hun sitter i The International Advisory Board of the Council of Foreign Relations.

[Amatør1]

Tele, da er jeg nesten nødt til å henvise til en annen obskur organisasjon, der du finner noen av de samme navnene. Da nærmer vi oss samtidig et annet tema som har vært tatt opp tidligere her på forumet.

Project For The
NEW AMERICAN CENTURY

June 3, 1997

American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American interests in the new century.

We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the capital -- both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.

We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.

Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:

    • we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global
    responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;

    • we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;

    • we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;

    • we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.

Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next.

Elliott Abrams    Gary Bauer    William J. Bennett    Jeb Bush

Dick Cheney    Eliot A. Cohen    Midge Decter    Paula Dobriansky    Steve Forbes

Aaron Friedberg    Francis Fukuyama    Frank Gaffney    Fred C. Ikle

Donald Kagan    Zalmay Khalilzad    I. Lewis Libby    Norman Podhoretz

Dan Quayle    Peter W. Rodman    Stephen P. Rosen    Henry S. Rowen

Donald Rumsfeld    Vin Weber    George Weigel    Paul Wolfowitz


Et av produktene til denne organisasjonen, er følgende dokument fra September 2000:

REBUILDING AMERICA'S DEFENSES
Strategy, Forces and Resources For a New Century
A Report of The Project for the New American Century, September 2000

Fra side 51:
"Further, the process of transformation,
even if it brings revolutionary change, is
likely to be a long one, absent some
catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a
new Pearl Harbor. "